An analytical reflection on the relationship between electoral politics, armed influence, public resources and grassroots development, Based on a statement by Rev. Dr. Khaizakham
Rev. Dr. Khaizakham made a thought-provoking observation that deserves serious public discussion:
"In every election, if a candidate seeks the help of armed militants or underground groups, there will be no visible development, as it is already known where the government's development schemes and funds will be utilised."
This statement, although brief, raises a fundamental question about the relationship between democracy, armed influence, political accountability and development. It suggests that the consequences of an election are not limited to who occupies a public office. The manner in which a candidate secures electoral victory can significantly determine how that elected representative governs, how public resources are distributed and, ultimately, whether ordinary citizens experience meaningful development.
The observation is particularly relevant in regions where armed groups, underground organisations and political actors operate within an overlapping environment of power, influence and competing interests. It invites us to examine an uncomfortable reality: Can genuine development take place when the process of electing public representatives is influenced by forces that operate outside democratic institutions and public accountability?
1. The Integrity of Elections Determines the Quality of Governance
An election is not merely a competition between candidates or political parties. It is a democratic mechanism through which citizens exercise their constitutional right to choose representatives who will articulate their aspirations, protect their interests and ensure the equitable delivery of public services.
Ideally, a candidate should seek the mandate of the people through public engagement, political vision, credibility, leadership qualities and a demonstrable commitment to development. The legitimacy of an elected representative must originate from the free and informed choice of voters.
However, when candidates allegedly seek the assistance of armed militants or underground organisations to influence elections, the democratic process becomes compromised. The election may still take place, voting may still be conducted and results may still be officially declared, but the underlying democratic principles are weakened.
The problem is not simply the presence of armed groups in electoral politics. It is the distortion of the relationship between the elected representative and the electorate.
A candidate who depends on armed influence rather than public confidence may gradually become more accountable to those who helped secure the victory than to the citizens who are supposed to be the ultimate source of political authority.
This creates a dangerous reversal of democratic accountability. Instead of the representative serving the people, the representative may feel compelled to serve the interests, expectations or demands of those who exercised influence over the electoral outcome.
Consequently, the quality of governance is compromised even before the elected representative begins discharging official responsibilities.
2. The Hidden Cost of Electoral Support from Armed Groups
The statement by Rev. Dr. Khaizakham points towards an important but often overlooked consequence of seeking armed assistance during elections: political indebtedness.
In ordinary democratic politics, candidates mobilise support through political organisations, public campaigns, volunteers, community networks and ideological commitments. These activities are generally visible and subject to public scrutiny.
However, when a candidate receives support from armed organisations, the relationship may involve obligations that are neither transparent nor publicly acknowledged.
Such support may create an informal political understanding, an expectation of reciprocity or an obligation to accommodate certain interests after the election.
This is where the real danger begins.
An elected representative may find it difficult to exercise independent judgement, challenge unlawful demands or prioritise public interest over private or organisational interests. Even without an explicit agreement, the political relationship can create pressure that influences administrative decisions and the allocation of public resources.
In such circumstances, public office risks becoming an instrument for repaying political debts rather than delivering public services.
The electorate may have voted for development, better roads, healthcare, education, drinking water and livelihood opportunities. Yet the priorities of those who helped secure the electoral victory may be entirely different.
Thus, the candidate's dependence on armed influence can become a long-term liability for the constituency.
3. Development Funds and the Politics of Extraction
Perhaps the most significant aspect of Rev. Dr. Khaizakham's observation is his reference to government development schemes and funds.
Government development funds are not personal wealth belonging to elected representatives. They are public resources collected through taxation, government revenue, grants and other financial mechanisms. Their purpose is to improve the living conditions of citizens, particularly those living in underserved and economically disadvantaged areas.
Under democratic governance, public expenditure should be guided by development priorities, administrative procedures, technical assessments, financial rules and the actual needs of communities.
However, where political decisions are influenced by armed or other non-accountable interests, there is a risk that public resources may be diverted from their intended purposes.
This can happen in several ways:
Contractual influence: Public works contracts may be influenced by individuals or networks who exercise political or armed power rather than awarded through fair and transparent processes.
Commission and extortion: Contractors may face demands for unofficial payments, reducing the resources available for actual construction and service delivery.
Selective allocation: Development projects may be prioritised according to political loyalty, personal relationships or external pressure rather than genuine public needs.
Administrative interference: Officials may face pressure to approve, recommend or implement projects that do not necessarily reflect established development priorities.
Diversion of resources: Funds intended for infrastructure, education, healthcare and livelihood programmes may be exposed to informal extraction or misuse.
These possibilities explain why electoral interference can have consequences far beyond the polling day.
A road may be sanctioned, but its construction may remain incomplete. A school building may be constructed, but essential facilities may be missing. A water supply project may be inaugurated, but households may continue to struggle for drinking water.
On paper, development expenditure may appear impressive. On the ground, however, the actual benefits received by citizens may remain negligible.
This is the distinction between development expenditure and visible development.
The amount of money sanctioned or spent is not the true measure of development; the tangible improvement in people's lives is.
4. The Emergence of a Parallel Power Structure
One of the most serious consequences of armed influence in electoral politics is the possible emergence of a parallel power structure.
In a functioning democracy, authority is exercised through constitutionally established institutions. Elected representatives make political decisions, government departments implement policies, administrative officers ensure compliance with rules, and independent institutions provide oversight.
When armed organisations begin influencing electoral outcomes and subsequent governance, this institutional arrangement can become distorted.
Two different centres of authority may emerge:
The formal authority of the government, represented by elected leaders and constitutional institutions.
The informal authority of armed or underground organisations, whose influence may not be subject to democratic accountability.
The coexistence of these competing power structures creates uncertainty and weakens institutional discipline.
Government officials may become reluctant to implement decisions that could offend influential armed actors. Contractors may prioritise the expectations of powerful networks over contractual obligations. Local institutions may hesitate to exercise their authority independently.
Over time, this can undermine the rule of law and weaken public confidence in government institutions.
The danger is particularly serious in areas where people already face limited access to public services, inadequate infrastructure, economic hardship and administrative challenges.
When formal institutions are weakened by informal power structures, the people who suffer most are usually those with the least political and economic influence.
5. Why Visible Development Remains Elusive
Rev. Dr. Khaizakham's statement also invites us to reconsider what we mean by development.
Development is not simply the construction of roads, bridges, buildings or community halls. It is a comprehensive process that improves people's economic, social, institutional and human capabilities.
A genuinely developed constituency should demonstrate measurable improvements in:
Road connectivity and transportation.
Access to quality education and healthcare.
Safe drinking water and sanitation.
Electricity and digital connectivity.
Employment and sustainable livelihood opportunities.
Agricultural productivity and market access.
Women's economic empowerment.
Institutional capacity and community participation.
Transparency and accountability in public expenditure.
When armed influence, political patronage and informal extraction become embedded in governance, these developmental priorities may be pushed aside.
Instead of asking which villages are most underserved, decisions may be influenced by which individuals or networks are politically important.
Instead of prioritising technically sound projects, preference may be given to projects that provide immediate political or financial benefits to influential stakeholders.
Instead of building sustainable institutions, resources may be concentrated around temporary political interests.
The result is a development deficit that persists despite the availability of government schemes and financial allocations.
This is particularly unfortunate because many government programmes are specifically designed to address the developmental gaps of rural and marginalised communities.
The problem, therefore, may not always be the absence of government schemes or financial resources. Sometimes, it is the failure of governance, accountability and institutional integrity to ensure that these resources reach their intended beneficiaries.
6. The Burden Falls on Ordinary Citizens
The most tragic dimension of this issue is that ordinary citizens ultimately bear the consequences.
The people who live in remote villages, farmers who depend on road connectivity to transport their produce, students who travel long distances to attend schools, patients who struggle to reach healthcare facilities and unemployed youth who seek economic opportunities have little control over the informal arrangements that may develop between political candidates and armed organisations.
They may participate in elections with the hope that a new representative will bring positive change.
However, if the elected representative is constrained by obligations to external power centres, the expectations of the electorate may remain unfulfilled.
The constituency may continue to experience poor roads, inadequate healthcare, insufficient educational infrastructure and limited livelihood opportunities.
Meanwhile, public expenditure may continue to be reported, projects may be sanctioned and official achievements may be publicised.
This creates a painful contradiction: the government may be spending money in the name of development, but the people may not experience the benefits of that expenditure.
In this situation, development becomes a political slogan rather than a lived reality.
7. The Vicious Cycle of Armed Influence and Underdevelopment
Another important concern is that the relationship between armed influence and underdevelopment can become self-perpetuating.
Underdevelopment creates unemployment, economic vulnerability, social frustration and limited opportunities, particularly among young people. These conditions can make communities more susceptible to coercion, political manipulation and competing centres of influence.
When armed organisations or other non-democratic actors gain influence over electoral politics, governance and public resources may become further compromised.
This, in turn, weakens the delivery of development programmes and limits economic opportunities.
The cycle can be understood as follows:
The cycle of underdevelopment
Weak economic opportunities and underdevelopment => Greater vulnerability to coercion and political manipulation => Armed influence over electoral and political processes => Compromised governance and weakened accountability => Misallocation, leakage or poor utilisation of public resources => Continued underdevelopment
Breaking this cycle requires more than changing political representatives. It requires strengthening democratic institutions, protecting electoral freedom, ensuring transparent public expenditure and creating economic opportunities that reduce the vulnerability of communities.
8. The Responsibility of Political Candidates
Political candidates must recognise that the legitimacy of public office cannot be built on intimidation, coercion or dependence on armed influence.
Winning an election is not an end in itself. It is the beginning of a public responsibility.
A candidate who genuinely aspires to serve the people must be prepared to accept the outcome of a democratic contest, regardless of whether the result is favourable.
Seeking armed assistance to secure electoral victory may provide short-term political advantages, but it can compromise the candidate's ability to govern independently.
Candidates must therefore demonstrate their commitment to:
Respecting the free choice of voters.
Rejecting intimidation and coercion in electoral processes.
Maintaining independence from unlawful external influence.
Prioritising public interest over private or political obligations.
Ensuring transparency in development project selection and implementation.
Making public resources accessible to all eligible communities without discrimination.
Ultimately, the credibility of a political leader should be judged not by the forces supporting their electoral victory but by the quality of governance they deliver.
9. The Responsibility of the Electorate
While political candidates bear considerable responsibility, citizens also have an important role in protecting democratic institutions.
An electorate must move beyond personality-driven politics, temporary financial inducements, political loyalty and the influence of powerful individuals.
Voters should evaluate candidates based on their past performance, integrity, development vision, accessibility, administrative competence and willingness to remain accountable.
They should ask fundamental questions:
Does the candidate have a credible development agenda?
Can the candidate exercise independent political judgement?
Does the candidate respect democratic institutions?
Will the candidate ensure equitable distribution of public resources?
Can the candidate resist pressure from armed and other non-accountable interests?
Will the candidate remain answerable to the people after winning the election?
Citizens must also understand that their vote is not merely an individual political choice. Collectively, it determines the leadership, governance priorities and developmental direction of an entire constituency.
An election should therefore be treated as an opportunity to choose a development-oriented leadership rather than simply a contest to determine which political faction or power centre will dominate.
10. Implications for Manipur's Hill Districts
This observation carries particular significance for Manipur's hill districts, where many communities continue to face longstanding developmental challenges.
Geographical isolation, inadequate road connectivity, limited healthcare facilities, educational disadvantages, unemployment, weak market access and administrative constraints have historically affected rural communities.
The prolonged ethnic conflict since May 2023 has further complicated the developmental environment, disrupting economic activities, public service delivery, mobility and institutional functioning in many areas.
In such a fragile environment, the integrity of electoral politics becomes even more important.
Communities need representatives who can articulate their concerns, negotiate effectively with the government, ensure the implementation of development programmes and protect the interests of ordinary citizens.
They do not need a political system in which elected representatives are perceived to be answerable to armed organisations or informal power centres.
It is important, however, not to equate all political engagement with armed organisations with electoral misconduct, nor to assume that every development failure is caused by armed influence. Such allegations must be examined through credible evidence, and responsibility must be established fairly.
Nevertheless, the broader principle remains valid: no armed organisation, political group or individual should be permitted to exercise undue influence over the democratic choices of citizens or the utilisation of public resources.
For Manipur's hill areas, where every development project can make a substantial difference to the lives of remote communities, the diversion or misuse of even a relatively small portion of public resources can have serious consequences.
A village deprived of a motorable road, a health centre without adequate facilities or a school without sufficient teachers represents more than an administrative shortcoming. It represents an opportunity for human development that has been lost.
Therefore, the people must demand not merely the sanctioning of projects but their timely completion, quality implementation and measurable impact.
11. Strengthening Accountability and Protecting Development Resources
If the concerns raised in Rev. Dr. Khaizakham's statement are to be addressed meaningfully, electoral reform must be accompanied by institutional and financial accountability.
Several measures deserve serious consideration:
First, protect electoral freedom. Election authorities and law enforcement agencies must ensure that voters and candidates can participate in elections without intimidation, threats or coercion.
Second, strengthen financial transparency. Development funds, project approvals, tendering processes, work orders and expenditure details should be publicly accessible wherever applicable.
Third, strengthen community monitoring. Village authorities, local institutions, civil society organisations and community-based organisations should actively monitor development projects and report irregularities.
Fourth, ensure independent auditing. Public works and development programmes must undergo proper technical and financial audits to identify inflated estimates, incomplete projects, substandard construction and diversion of resources.
Fifth, protect administrative independence. Government officials must be allowed to discharge their responsibilities according to established rules, without intimidation or unlawful interference.
Sixth, measure development through outcomes. The success of an elected representative should be assessed through improvements in people's lives rather than the number of projects announced or the amount of money reportedly spent.
These measures would help restore public confidence in democratic institutions and ensure that development funds serve their intended beneficiaries.
12. Conclusion: Democracy Must Serve the People, Not the Power Centres
The statement by Rev. Dr. Khaizakham is ultimately a warning about the possible consequences of allowing armed influence to enter the electoral process.
Its central message is that the character of an election can shape the character of governance that follows.
When candidates seek electoral support from armed militants or underground organisations, they risk compromising their political independence and creating obligations that may conflict with the interests of the electorate.
When such relationships influence governance, public resources risk becoming instruments of political or organisational accommodation rather than tools for social and economic transformation.
The people may continue to vote, governments may continue to announce schemes, and development funds may continue to be allocated. Yet meaningful development may remain elusive if the institutions responsible for delivering it are compromised.
The issue, therefore, is not simply whether a particular candidate wins or loses an election. It is whether the people retain control over their democratic institutions and public resources.
A constituency cannot achieve sustainable development when its political leadership is unable to act independently, its administrative institutions are weakened and its public funds are vulnerable to informal influence.
Development requires peace, democratic legitimacy, institutional integrity, transparency and accountability. It requires elected representatives who are answerable to the people, not beholden to armed power centres.
The ballot must remain more powerful than the bullet, public interest must prevail over private obligations, and development funds must reach the people for whom they are intended.
Ultimately, the real test of an elected representative is not how they won the election, but what they deliver after winning it. A road that reaches the remotest village, a functioning health centre, a school that provides quality education, a livelihood opportunity for an unemployed youth and an economically empowered woman are far more meaningful indicators of leadership than political influence or electoral victory.
Perhaps the most important question every voter should ask before casting a ballot is this:
If this candidate wins, who will they ultimately be accountable to—the people who elect them, or the forces that help them win?
The answer to that question may determine not only the future of an individual constituency but also the quality of democracy and development that its people will experience for generations to come.
~ T. Zamlunmang Zou
EDITORIAL NOTE
This article develops the implications of Rev. Dr. Khaizakham's statement as a political and governance argument. It does not establish that any particular candidate, armed group or constituency has engaged in the alleged practices. The author based Rev. Dr. Khaizakham's statement from an audio captured from his sermon.
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